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On the national
scene, Peterson was
lauded by
centrist Democrats and school reform activists for becoming the
first mayor in America to authorize charter schools. But for
city residents, Peterson stood out for his inability to end an
eight-year spate of rising crime, ineptitude in addressing
vagrancy and vandalism, and unwillingness to end corporate
welfare for the NFL's Indianapolis Colts and the NBA's Indiana
Pacers. He also angered residents by levying an array of tax
increases -- including a 65 percent hike in the local income tax
-- and, as in a $100 million pension bond float, by borrowing
heavily against future tax revenues.
Ballard managed to end Peterson's tenure and restore
Indianapolis to its storied position as one of the few big
cities under Republican control by promising to reverse the tax
increase, exercise fiscal prudence, and address the very quality
of life problems Peterson neglected. In the process, he won the
support of community activists, homeowners groups, grassroots
Republicans, and muckrakers who tangled with Peterson during his
second term.
Proclaimed lawyer and blogger Gary Welsh, whose
Advance Indiana site championed Ballard during the campaign: "He
is the right man at the right time given to us to correct the
mistakes of the past and put us back on the right path."
But two years later, Ballard's grassroots supporters
accuse him of being "disgusting" and of "abandoning" Republican
principles by failing to roll back the income tax increase. He
has also taken flack for successfully pushing an $8 million
increase the city's hotel and beverage sales taxes. The latter
move, along with a loan from Indiana's state government, will
help bail out the city's Capital Improvement Board, operator of
the city's two horse barn-like sports complexes. Declared Welsh
in a recent post: "[Ballard] devotes all of his energies to
raising taxes for the billionaire sports team owners."
Ballard isn't the first mayor to be disappointing to
grassroots allies. Given the group of equally uninspiring
aspirants, Ballard may still limp his way into a second term.
But for a politician with few sources of long-term political
support among more-established political constituencies,
betraying promises to grassroots activists, and ditching
Republican values isn't the way to win re-election. As shown by
chief executives as varied as former New York City Mayor Rudy
Giuliani and Ballard's fellow Hoosier,
Gov. Mitch Daniels, it pays to stick to one's agenda.
WITH ITS SPARKLING
DOWNTOWN HOTELS, the presence of the state government and
thriving hometown firms such as healthcare giant WellPoint and
Eli Lilly, Indianapolis isn't wrestling with the same levels of
blight and mayhem plaguing sister Rust Belt cities such as
Cleveland and Detroit. But the city is no longer resistant to
urban decay.
Not far from the Soldiers and Sailors
Monument in University Park, vagrants drink, smoke, and loiter
next to the statue of onetime U.S. vice president Schuyler
Colfax. Just outside the downtown on the Near-Northside,
abandoned and burned-out homes are as much of the landscape as
the city's Fall Creek. On the city's Westside, middle class
residents drive out of their tony condominiums to work and past
an increasing number of half-empty strip malls, seedy strip
joints, and neon-lit check cashing outlets.
At the very least, Ballard can claim to have steadied
the city's homicides -- 114 of them were reported last year
versus a near-record 153 two years earlier. But incidents of
other reported crimes, including aggravated assaults and
robberies, remain near all-time highs. The police department has
been busy struggling with scandals within its own ranks. This
includes federal convictions against two
officers for shaking down drug dealers, and news that 50
off-duty cops
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worked for a local scrap metal firm
now under indictment for receiving stolen cars and pilfered
aluminum siding.
Embracing the pursuit of
government efficiency and privatization that was a hallmark of
his more-successful predecessor (and current Harvard University
professor) Stephen Goldsmith, Ballard has convened an
"Infrastructure Advisory Commission" that is spearheading a
likely re-privatization of the city's water and sewer system. It
has already received bids from several companies -- including
Australian-Spanish consortium Macquarie-Cintra, which has helped
a string of politicians, notably Chicago Mayor Richard Daley and
Gov. Daniels, with their lease of much-neglected highways.
Ballard also successfully eliminated the city's nine
township-level property tax assessors and consolidated their
operations into a countywide office
But it's the bailout of the city's convention and
stadiums agency that has earned Ballard the most vitriol from
friends and foe alike. The effort was prompted in part by the
agency's decision to absorb $15 million in cost increases at
Conseco Fieldhouse that would have otherwise been absorbed by
the Pacers. By the way, the Pacers are owned by the estate of
recently-deceased mall baron Mel Simon and his brother Herb (who
is worth $1.3 billion, according to Forbes).
The causes of the bailout, along with memories of past
subsidies and angst over the newly-built $720 million Lucas Oil
Stadium won Ballard no cheers. Nor did his ham-handed efforts
before skeptical state legislators and Gov. Daniels (who, having
helped back the construction of Lucas Oil Stadium, was forced to
bless the mess). Wrote local radio talk show host Abdul
Hakim-Shabazz: "[Ballard's administration] did not do a very
good job of making the public case for a solution."
CERTAINLY BALLARD IS WRESTLING WITH fiscal problems
that have begun crippling the city long before he took office. A
merger of the city government with that of Marion County in 1970
under the so-called Unigov plan, failed to fully integrate the
city's archaic sprawl of government operations, police
departments, and township governments. Decisions by three
generations of city officials have ignored the need to fully
fund pensions for police and firefighters, add enough police
officers to keep up with population growth, and improve aging
sewers.
An additional burden was introduced in the late 1960s,
when city officials such as future U.S. Senator Richard Lugar
began luring sports teams, exhibitions, and eventually the NCAA,
with a string of new stadiums, training centers, and subsidies.
The deals have saddled taxpayers with millions in debt service
and steadily increasing taxes -- and focused the minds of his
predecessors on matters that have little to do with improving
quality of life.
Ballard could have chosen a different path. Instead, he
has followed their example in a uniquely tone-deaf style. This
past June, as he pitched his stadium agency bailout to state and
local leaders, he shut down pools in the city's parks. Although
a sensible move -- the pools were leaking water after years of
neglect -- the manner in which Ballard carried it out didn’t
endear him to local families.
He has also exposed himself to the same charges of
"country club" living that he decried during his campaign. Last
December, the mayor spent $30,000 in taxpayer dollars to fund an
economic development trip to China; previous mayors used private
fundraising for similar junkets. Then in August, Ballard
revealed that he received a free membership to a sanctuary for
local powerbrokers, the Columbia Club, which usually costs more
than $2,100 a year to maintain (on top of a $1,500 initiation
fee).
At this rate, Ballard may blunder himself out of the
country club and the mayor's office altogether.
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